Theories of Child Development and Learning - 940 Words

[pic] [pic] [pic] [pic]Theories of Child Development and Learning [pic] Several theories of child development and learning have influenced discussions of school readiness. Three have had profound impact on kindergarten readiness practices. These three theories include the maturationist, environmentalist, and constructivist perspectives of development (Powell, 1991). Maturationist Theory The maturationist theory was advanced by the work of Arnold Gessell. Maturationists believe that development is a biological process that occurs automatically in predictable, sequential stages over time (Hunt, 1969). This perspective leads many educators and families to assume that young children will acquire knowledge naturally and†¦show more content†¦Constructivist Theory The constructivist perspective of readiness and development was advanced by theorists such as Jean Piaget, Maria Montessori, and Lev Vygotsky. Although their work varies greatly, each articulates a similar context of learning and development. They are consistent in their belief that learning and development occur when young children interact with the environment and people around them (Hunt, 1969). Constructivists view young children as active participants in the learning process. In addition, constructivists believe young children initiate most of the activities required for learning and development. Because active interaction with the environment and people are necessary for learning and development, constructivists believe that children are ready for school when they can initiate many of the interactions they have with the environment and people around them. Constructivist-influenced schools and educators pay a lot of attention to the physical environment and the curriculum of the early childhood classroom. Kindergarten classrooms often are divided into different learning centers and are equipped with developmentally appropriate materials for young children to play with and manipulate. Teachers and adults have direct conversations with children, children move actively from center to another,Show MoreRelatedJean Piaget‚Äà ´s theory of child development along with effective learning methods and teaching strategies used in secondary school classrooms with particular attention paid to science5758 Words   |  24 PagesLiterature Review Jean Piaget’s theory of child development along with effective learning methods and teaching strategies used in secondary school classrooms with particular attention paid to science A child’s developing mind1,2,3 Without a doubt, Jean Piaget (1896-1980) was one of the most influential child psychologists. In his day he was at the forefront of research into child psychology and even today, his word is cited by many in the profession. The constructivist theory (see later) in particularRead MorePiaget vs. Vygotsky1120 Words   |  5 PagesThe theory of cognitive development is defined as the development of the ability to think and reason. There are many theorists who have studied cognitive theories and the most famous is Jean Piaget. Cognitive development covers the physical and emotional stages of a child. The basic premise for cognitive development is to show the different stages of the development of a child so you can understand where the child might be in their development. Understanding cognitive development will betterRead MoreTheories Of Development And Development Influence Human Intelligence1676 Words   |  7 Pagesexperimented to interpret learning and development. Some major theorists that are incorporated with theories of development include Jean Piaget, Lev Vygotsky, and Erik Erikson. Along with the theories of development, there are theories of learning. The four main theories include cognitive, constructivism, social cognitive, and situative. First and foremost, Jean Piaget can be considered a pioneer in psychology. His theory is considered one of the most influential and comprehensive theories of cognitive developmentRead MoreCognitive Development Theory Essay1691 Words   |  7 PagesA. Cognitive Development Theory In a general sense the theory of cognitive development is not just a single theory but a number of theories offered by a number of cognitive psychologists over the past century. In summary though, cognitive development is the processes by which learning is developed by the construction of thought processes, memory, solving problems, decision-making and covers the life span from childhood to adulthood, but learning does not necessarily stop with adulthood. ThisRead MoreHow Do the Major Theories of Child Development (Known as the ‘Grand Theories’) Explore the Importance of Social Experiences?1675 Words   |  7 PagesHow do the major theories of child development (known as the ‘grand theories’) explore the importance of social experiences? Social experiences play a vital role in the development of children. Theories of child development have been created to help us to understand how children’s minds develop, taking into account the differences between cultures around the world. Some of these theories explore the possibility that children gain knowledge, develop new concepts and bridge new ideas through interactionRead MorePsychosocial And Cognitive Learning Theories1354 Words   |  6 PagesPsychosocial and Cognitive learning are just a few of the theories that describe the makeup of human development and behavior. Psychosocial theories explore the relationship between the social environment and an individual’s psychological condition (Crawford and Hawford, 2011). Whilst Cognitive Learning Theory explains certain behavioral responses of people based on their understanding and mental representation of what is happening at the present time. This theory also explores a person’s everydayRead MoreA Com parative Analysis Of Theories Of Vygotsky And Piaget1446 Words   |  6 PagesChild development refers to change or growth that occurs in children. It starts with infancy and continues through adolescence and it involves the biological, psychological and emotional changes that occur. Cognitive development refers to how a person perceives, thinks, and gains understanding of his or her world through the interaction of genetic and learned factors(Children’s Health n.d.). This paper is a comparative analysis of the theories of Vygotsky and Piaget with emphasis on how the roleRead MoreVygotsky And Vygotsky Theories Of Learning1257 Words   |  6 PagesTheories of learning In this essay, I will compare and contrast jean Piaget and lev Vygotsky theories of learning. First, I will discuss Piaget followed by Vygotsky then I will compare and contrast both theorists. Jean Piaget was a Swiss developmental psychologist and philosopher, he is known for his contribution to a theory of cognitive development. Piaget became interested in the reasons why children gave the wrong answers to questions that required logical thinking. He believed that these incorrectRead MoreLev Vygotsky And The Zone Of Proximal Development1522 Words   |  7 PagesProximal Development Under normal circumstances, a child will physically develop without outside assistance. While there can be variations by way of culture, class, and ability, it is difficult to contest that human nature is the driving force behind the bodily changes that take place from birth until adulthood. In contrast, when it comes to determining the ways in which a child thinks and learns, there are numerous theories on what primarily influences cognitive growth and development. One theoristRead MorePiaget Vs Vygotsky : Piaget And Vygotsky1314 Words   |  6 PagesPiaget and Lev Vygotsky are often considered the most influential cognitive development and learning psychologists of the 20th century. Their research efforts have inspired numerous interpretations and spawned new outlets of approaching developmental psychology. The following paragraphs will analyze the theories of Piaget of Vygotsky and discuss how their research can be used to advance the use of cognitive development in learning, bot h traditional and online. Summary Jean Piaget (1896-1980) theorized

Duccio’s MaestàEssay - 1449 Words

In the early Renaissance era Florence and Siena were rivals in many aspects. The Battle of Montaperti was fought between the two in September of 1260. After their triumph over Florence, Siena used the monetary winnings for the building of the Palazzo Pubblico to serve the city in governmental, spiritual and social needs; it was comparable to the basilicas in ancient Rome in this aspect. The Palazzo Pubblico (fig. 1) was also made to compete with Florence’s already constructed Palazzo della Signoria1 (fig. 2). The city also focused the new funds on the elaboration of the cathedral interior (fig. 3). In 1308, Duccio di Buoninsegna was hired for this reason. Duccio completed the requested polyptych, or multipaneled, altarpiece three years†¦show more content†¦The people saw a painting of Mary as a path of communication. The people of Siena, now visually inspired to pray for the well-being and peace of the city, were ecstatic at the sight of the finished altarpiece. The c itizens of Siena were not alone in their high regards of St. Mary. Duccio includes his signature of praise in the base of the Virgin’s throne: â€Å"Holy Mother of God, be the cause of peace to Siena, and of life to Duccio because he has painted you thus.† Duccio used his talent as a type of praise, painting as a form of worship. He hoped for the favor of his patron saint in return for the labor expended in creation of the Maestà  . Duccio’s Maestà   towered over six feet and consisted of fifty-five framed panels painted with egg-based tempera. Madonna Enthroned, the largest section of the entire structure, dominated the front plane of the altarpiece. The same side was comprised of scenes of the life of Mary from Annunciation to her death (fig. 4). The reverse side compiled the life of Christ into 42 separate panels from the Baptism of Christ to events occurring after Resurrection (fig. 5). Many ages of art shine through Duccio’s portraying of Mary in M adonna Enthroned (fig. 6). Both being trained in the Greek manner, Duccio’s version of Siena’s patron saint is comparable to Cimabue’s Enthroned Madonna and Child with Angels and Prophets from the year 1280 2 (fig. 7). Duccio, however, took a softerShow MoreRelatedThe Most Famous Work Of Art1053 Words   |  5 Pagespainter, active in the city of Siena. His most famous work of art is the Maesta Altarpiece located in the Cathedral of Siena. At that time, Siena was very competitive with Florence. The greatest Florentine painter was Giotto di Bondone. He was a couple years younger than Duccio. Giotto’s crowning achievement is a series of fresco murals painted in the Arena Chapel. Duccio and Giotto were two astonishing artists. Duccio’s Maesta and Giotto’s fresco painting in the Arena Chapel both tell us a narrativeRead MoreEssay about The Role of the Church in the Renaissance1773 Words   |  8 Pagesmethods of worship and partly as guarantees of salvation. Most large-scale architecture and paintings were religious in nature. Three religious works of art of this time period that best reflect the role of the Church are Giotto’s Arena Chapel, Duccio’s Maestà  , and Masaccio’s Trinity. Giotto is considered the first artist to be fully immersed in the Renaissance, and the man who truly brought the Renaissance to Florence. He learned from the skills and progress of the artists before him and took theirRead MoreDuccio di Buoninsegnas Madonna and Child1537 Words   |  7 Pagesthat the painting is foreshadowing the death of Jesus Christ. In addition, the burns of the side of the frame peaked my interest, as to why they were there. Art critics were also interested in this work they even consider Madonna and Child one of Duccio’s perfect works, and it said to be worth all the other paintings exhibited under the name of Duccio (Christiansen 14). The Madonna and Child painting’s iconography, imagery, emotional appeal to the viewers, and meaning all make this painting still

Role of Women in Democracy for Ancient Greece -myassignmenthelp

Question: Write about theRole of Women in Democracy for Ancient Greece. Answer: The word Democracy is derived from the Greek term democratia which means peoples rule. In the ancient Greek city-states during the middle of the 5th century BCE the political system was denoted as democracy (OPry, 2015). In this context, a pertinent question arises related to the role of the people in democracy at that time. In addition to this it is also important to conduct an in-depth study on the role of women in democratization of the society. In response to that, this essay will put focus on the relation between democracy and women in ancient Greece and further extend the discussion in the light of present case scenario. Women are always neglected in politics and nation building process. This was not being altered in ancient Greece as well. In Athens women had a little scope to participate in politics but no right to get in power. The patriarchal underpinnings were always there which incited philosophers like Aristotle to identify women as evil. In fact, women did not have the right to vote where as their male counterparts were easily joined in plebiscite. On the contrary, in Sparta women had enjoyed more freedom in terms of inheritance of property or education. However, the political forums were intensely dominated by men and strictly isolated women (OPry, 2015). In relation to this, the term Oikonomia referred to women although this word connotes household management. The Greek male intelligentsia deliberately used this term sarcastically as a symbol of lack of chivalry. The so called classical age of Greece made the life of women so miserable that often the term Oikonomia was used as a sense of sl ave. It is true that Greece introduced the very idea of equality and installed it in the socio-political system in form of direct democracy but the involvement of women in this political discourse is a matter of question. Gradually in course of time, the idea of democracy incorporates a number of new perspectives and it requires a revision of the existing concept. In this regards, the question of equality in terms of gender holds the focal point. In the 21st century the matter of gender equality in democracy becomes very popular as a research. Empirical evidences shows that in the developing countries like India, Brazil, Pakistan or Nigeria there is a common perception that men can perform better than women in politics (Haerpfer, 2009). In compare to that, most of the advanced countries reflect their advancement in participation of women in politics. For instance, in US the number of female participation in Parliament is 19.6% which is not satisfactory but well enough than the rests (Fraile, 2014). In analysing the percentage of female participation in recent politics it is imperative to understand the civil liberties and its necessity in modern times. In addition to this, the culture and social prejudices as well as religion play as an impetus to stir up the situation. Today, out of 191 countries only 9 countries have female head of the state (Fraile, 2014). Moreover, the Arab countries have the worst rate of women representation. According to the Feminist scholars, civil liberty became develop with the advent of democracy and liberty in ancient Greece. The French Revolution and the foundation of Citizens rights in America fostered it towards permanence. However, all these efforts did not take care of the women in society. It was a general declaration which further manipulated by male chauvinism. Furthermore, lack of confidence in their political abilities and the electoral process is held responsible for underrepresentation of women in democratic politics. Therefore, it is cr ucial to organize the women to initiate movement against discrimination. It has to keep in mind that equality is a broader concept and should not be partial to any particular group or gender. Women movement for equal rights is not a new trend rather it has been started since the 20th century (Haerpfer, 2009). In this context, it can be argued that in the African and Middle East countries fight for equality was commanded by the women actually. In Morocco, women played a pivotal role in democratize the country in 1990s (Dahlerup, 2017). Therefore, from the present case scenario it is very clear to acknowledge that women are always considered to be a major element in democracy so far and without their participation it is no possible to preserve the true essence of democracy. In this context, the attitude of democracy towards women should also be come under scrutiny. The ancient democratic form of government in Greece possessed a different kind of perception in compare to the modern idea of democracy. At that time, democracy and its regulations were always beneficial for the male members of the society. Women got deprived since then. The same process is happening in so called modern age. The renaissance ideas might enlighten us but that was not enough to perceive the concept of equality. Women got their right to vote in UK in 1918 but it was too late for democracy to recognize women as a part of it (Haerpfer, 2009). In 1995 during the UN world conference on women the focus was shifted from the traditional perception that women did not possess adequate qualification or political interest to govern (Dahlerup, 2017). Instead of this the UN council suggested that it was important to reform within the democratic system rather than questioning the ability of wo men. This viewpoint dynamically changed the existing feeling about women and some scholars were started preparing a master plan for incorporation of women in politics. Therefore, it can be stated that democracy was not responsible for creating a hostile socio political environment for women rather it became a platform for women to cry for equal participation in politics. The key principles of French Revolution liberty, equality and fraternity are considered to be the backbone of modern democracy. However, in the Islamic and developing countries people are still inclined towards the traditional concept of womens inability in politics. It contradicts the key principle of democracy where equality irrespective of class, caste and gender should be practiced. Therefore, it is important to incorporate the female representatives in political sector. Besides this, in democracy the government represents the people. It means the role of the government must have a broader representation and in that case including the female members of the society can ensure the transparency. In addition to this, women are identified as a productive unit of a country. Therefore, inclusion of the women in politics can help the country to make progress. It will also motivate other women to get interest in politics and retain the very establishment of democracy. Reference List Dahlerup, D. (2017).Has democracy failed women?. John Wiley Sons. Fraile, M. (2014). Do women know less about politics than men? The gender gap in political knowledge in Europe.Social Politics,21(2), 261-289. OPry, K. (2015). Social and Political Roles of Women in Athens and Sparta. Saber And Scroll, 1(2),Retrievedfromhttps://digitalcommons.apus.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1030context=saberandscroll Top of Form Haerpfer, C. (2009).Democratization(pp. 145-157). New York: Oxford University Press.Bottom of Form

Liberal Democracy vs. Autocracy free essay sample

Though the pervasiveness of liberalism and democracy is readily apparent throughout those states that recognize the socioeconomic benefits stimulated by these ideals, there remains still a myriad of complex governing systems that seem to shirk the possibilities of this apotheosized ideology in favor of highly variable authoritarian manifestations. Yet this is not simply a case where one ideology may be chosen based on the particular needs and relative cultural norms of one society versus another with the two forms existing in global harmony; rather it is the case that liberal democracy generally remains significantly more stable, incites less violence, and promotes economic progress in far greater frequencies than the various blends of autocracy. It would seem then, that liberal democracy is the superior ideological foundation for successful, prosperous, and stable governance—an argument asserted quite controversially by Francis Fukuyama, qualified and advocated by Fareed Zakaria, and rooted as a central concern of this paper. We will write a custom essay sample on Liberal Democracy vs. Autocracy or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page However, this paper is not to be cast upon the painfully mounting stack of virtually inapplicable and redundant analyses of democratic versus authoritarian institutions by withered, aloof academics far removed from current developments in international affairs. Rather, it endeavors to proffer a unique perspective demonstrating liberal autocracy as a possible deviation from Fukuyama’s conception of the â€Å"end of history,† through the use of concrete and theoretical observations of recent political instability and military coups in Guinea with particular attention to its ideological limbo resultant from its suspension between the desire for liberalism and its susceptibility to autocratic command. On the â€Å"End of History† Before embarking upon the daunting task of systematically dissecting Guinean politics, it is necessary first to briefly discuss the arguments set forth by Fukuyama and Zakaria in order to later respond to them. Most scrutinizing readers of Fukuyama’s article â€Å"The End of History† recognized that the certainty that liberal democracy is to be the inevitable omnipresent ideology in the future of world governance depends on whether there are â€Å"viable alternatives to liberal democracy visible in the world today† (Fukuyama 1993; xxi). But Fukuyama delves deeper than this singular question in the book spurned by his article, affirming the above question but also emphasizing the â€Å"goodness of liberal democracy† being that it is the best ideal beyond which government cannot progress any further (1993; 287). This is because the values inherent in liberal democracy—specifically liberty and equality—satisfy the innate human desire for â€Å"recognition,† a philosophical term referring to man’s need to retain dignity and seek equality and self-worth (1993; xvi-xvii). This logic plainly begs the question: Is liberal democracy truly the only form of governance that has the capability to satisfy man’s need for so-called â€Å"recognition? † Zakaria goes on to proclaim that democracy â€Å"represents the â€Å"last best hope† for people around the world,† a clear parallel to Fukuyama, but quantifies the spread of democracy through noting the potentiality for illiberal democracy which is, in essence, pseudo-democracy in that it masks an authoritarian regime with usually rigged elections and opposition repression and fails to establish legitimate political institutions (Zakaria 2007; 89-118). He propones the institution of â€Å"rule-of-law† and capitalism before worrying about elections by reason that they are troublesome and misleading especially in the absence of constitutional liberalism (2007; 55). Through this, Zakaria establishes that liberal autocracy might be the necessary sojourn on the way to liberal democracy through gradualism. A Short History of Military Coups in Guinea Upon gaining independence from France in 1958, Guinea installed the idealistic leader whom had spearheaded the anti-Franco movement, Sekou Toure, who established the only party in Guinea, The Party of Democratic Guinea (PDG) and ironically ruled as anything but democratically (Mwakikagile 2001; 59). He pursued isolationist policies, instituted rigged elections, violently repressed his opponents, and failed to institute effective economic progress, all factors stimulating internal threats against him, which he quelled time and again through the loyalty of his military (2001; 60). He promised numerous reforms, many of them democratic, to â€Å"achieve complete decolonization and de-occidentalization† which would be actualized through socialism but went largely ignored (2001; 60). Eventually he was forced to seek aid from the United States and France due to terrible economic performance despite incredibly rich mineral resources (2001; 61). After an abundance of coup attempts, Toure strengthened his iron grip on Guinea and maintained it due to the enormous power he wielded as head of both the government and the ruling party (2001; 63). After 26 years of rule, Toure died suddenly in 1984 (2001; 64). Strangely enough, Toure had appointed no clear successor to his regime and this coupled with the lack of popular support for his civilian government gave ample opportunity for Colonel Lansana Conte’s military coup to smoothly seize power (Arieff and Cook 2009; 35). He â€Å"promised to restore free enterprise and democracy† just as Toure had promised democracy (Mwakikagile 2001; 64). But, as history does repeat itself, Conte worked quickly to consolidate his power and suppress his opponents, often through violent means (2001; 64). He did however manage to pass some beneficial reforms and make concessions to lower-ranking soldiers and civilians in order to preserve his legitimacy during the decades of his tenure, unlike his predecessor (Arieff and Cook 2009; 35-36). Unfortunately, during the 1990s, Conte continuously promised and delayed democratic and electoral reforms, stimulating great frustration and discontent within the populace and inciting yet another coup attempt against him, which he did not suppress but instead luckily appeased through complying with the demands of the coup leaders (2009; 38-39). When democratic reforms were introduced, they were nothing more than the same pseudo-democratic elections and opposition suppression to which the people had already been exposed (2009; 36-37). It was not until his death in 2008 that a coup, led by Captain Moussa Dadis Camara, was able to successfully seize power just as Conte had done to embark upon his own regime (2009; 1). Guinean Military Coups Explained Concisely as can be stated, Toure’s rather abrupt seizure of political control was a case of one-party regime establishment brought on by undercurrents of ideology and bloodless revolution that degenerated into personalist rule according to the outline of one-party regimes set forth by Paul Brooker (Brooker 2009; 125). But it is the decay and breakdown of his regime and how this led to the 1984 Conte coup that is particularly relevant to the fate of Guinean politics. In the case of Toure’s regime, it can be aid that the stimuli for breakdown and overthrow were already in place, with only the opportunity missing and for which Toure’s rather convenient death provided. These stimuli were economic decay and inefficiency resultant from poor governance and failed economic reforms, which alongside the repression of the masses, dwindling public support, and lack of fulfillment of promises made to the public regarding democratic reforms spurred the development of delegiti mation in the government, which then provoked the various coup attempts suppressed by Toure (Kalyvas 1999; 329-332). In analyzing military intervention, Brooker utilizes three conditions that must be satisfied before Finer’s calculus of intervention can be invoked and military takeover inevitable: motives, means, and opportunity (Brooker 2009; 86). The motives encompass various forms of interest, but in Guinea’s case national interest (instituting democracy) compounded with corporate self-interest—that is, military aspirations for further societal influence and the personal ambitions of its leaders often motivated by greed—and sprinkled with the individual self-interest of Conte as made clear by his conduct in office—that is enforcing his individual dominion and repressing opposition—after seizing power is the most probable mixture (2009; 86). Obviously the means aspect was satisfied, for there was a well-equipped military loyal to the usurping leader, Conte, and would take power through a corporate coup, where mainly Conte and the highest ranking officials seized power by way of entering the capital and detaining and disposing of the civilian government’s officials while stationing the lower ranks in various strategic points in the surrounding area (2009; 93). Finally, the opportunity was clear: the former personalist authoritarian dictator whom was central to state authority and cohesion was dead, thereby providing a window of weak government allowing for easy takeover (2009; 96). Smith affirms the relevance of this opportunity, stating that â€Å"regimes might well be most likely to break down during the process of succession† (Smith 2005; 428). Once these preconditions are established to provoke the possibility of a coup, Finer’s calculus of intervention may be applied to determine the actualization of coup interference: military disposition instigated through Brooker’s motives and a reasonable opportunity for success combine, and in this case there is clear disposition resultant from the aforementioned issues to intervene and easy opportunity for such intervention due to the delegitimation of the government and the death of its leader (2009; 85). Decalo inserts the ‘personal’ element into this diagnosis, for it is clear that the decades of rule after Conte were strongly and directly influenced by his will: â€Å"whenever an elite (civil or military) captures power, its own corporate interests are among the first to be promoted† (Arieff and Cook 2009; 8; Decalo 1973; 115). After seizing power, Conte did indeed strengthen the military through a hefty increase in salaries and privileges; however this was more deterrence of coups against his government than in actual military self-interest (Mwakikagile 2001; 66). Conte’s one party regime also degenerated into one of personalist rule as coup attempts and loss of legitimacy forced him to grapple for more power in order to maintain his hold on Guinea (Arieff and Cook 2009; 37-39). Brownlee would regard Conte’s actions in retaining control over the military through nepotism as a successful deterrence of internal threats that ultimately contributed to the decades of longevity experienced by the Conte regime (Brownlee 2002; 38-39). Further contributing to this longevity was the correlation between the capacity for repression and regime durability, and because Guinea was able to function relatively independently of superpowers despite utilizing their aid, Conte could repress to utmost extremes without hindrance, thereby staving off potential overthrows due to the threat of persecution and thus remaining in power longer than he would otherwise probably have been able (2002; 49). Decalo also notes that a military coup is more successful when it diverges from its military governance and becomes a civilian government, with a military leader transforming into a political leader rather quickly, which is precisely what Conte accomplished (Decalo 1973; 117). Hence, Conte was able to preserve his hold on the Guinean government and extend his tenure through pseudo-democracy and extra-constitutional means. This longevity was to be interrupted by the sudden death of Conte in 2008, which stimulated the most recent coup, but this time there was a successor who was simply barred from assuming power once Captain Camara utilized his troops to usurp the capital and detain officials much as Conte had done before him. This military junta established an assembly called the National Council for Democracy and Development which dissolved the superficial constitution and promised to hold elections in two years (Arieff and Cook 2009; 9). By this time, Conte had run the regime into the ground in a strikingly parallel fashion to how Toure had managed it: through delegitimation, economic decay, corruption, excessive repression, and overall bad governance (2009; 9-10). Ironically, the conditions and exacerbations for Camara’s coup on Conte’s regime are exactly parallel to those of Conte’s coup on Toure’s regime; therefore there is no need to reiterate the theoretical explanation for its occurrence. Upon ascendency to power, Camara immediately asserted the junta’s authority by replacing civilian officials with military ones and sought to neutralize opposition. This is concurrent with Brooker’s argument regarding the aftermath of usurpation, in that the new government and leader must consolidate power or risk being unable to withstand another budding coup (Brooker 2007; 132-133). Consolidation of control leads to legitimacy of governance and Finer argues the necessity of this to successful military coups by recognizing the necessity of establishing protection against mutinies in this period of turbulence, and especially for garnering civilian obedience in order to surpass the need to use brute force constantly, which can severely undermine the morale of the populace and therefore the support for and legitimacy of the embryonic state (2007; 133-134). In the resounding words of Zakaria, â€Å"legitimacy is the elixir of political power† (Zakaria 2007; 255). Similarly to Conte and Toure, Camara has yet to institute significant democratic reforms as promised which have resulted in election delay and an expected Camara candidacy once elections are in place, and it is not unreasonable to conclude that Camara may rig those elections in his favor as well with the current authoritarian trends of the military junta, for Camara rejected criticism of his potential bid for candidacy based on the grounds that it threatened the transparency and purpose of the military junta (Arieff and Cook 2009; 17). The sole difference currently between Camara, Conte, and Toure seems to be that Camara has managed to earn a considerable degree of popular support, though this may be explained more by his nascent government which has yet to do significant socioeconomic damage than with genuine favor (2009; 18). Why Liberal Autocracy may be a Viable Option for Guinea It is clear that Guinea is struggling between the pull of democracy and autocratic seizures inhibiting democratic development. In its case however, the pursuance of democratic ideology seems to be motivated by the desire to achieve economic development for in every breakdown discussed economic decay was a consistently prevailing factor. Without democratic institutions, Guinea will remain without the aid it once garnered from superpowers (Arieff and Cook 2009; 24-27). In the absence of such understandable motives for democratic transition, there is no evidence that democratic ideals would still be pursued, for Guinea is not a culture with ingrained traditions of constitutional liberalism, to borrow Zakaria’s term, which would promote democracy from within. It is also interesting to note that Guinea is 85% Islamic, where liberty and equality are not exactly fundamental values (Mwakikagile 2001; 61). How then, could the Guinean people obtain a measure of social liberties in spheres unrelated to the political realms when the constant invasion by authoritarian coups seems to imply those liberties as being unattainable, but that which would stimulate capitalistic behaviors and therefore economic growth, curtail violence against the populace and armed conflict, while still allowing for the tendency towards authoritarianism in the political sector? The answer seems to be liberal autocracy as promulgated by Zakaria but manifested in a more prominent form than simply as a transitional entity. In reference to Fukuyama’s argument for the need to satisfy man’s need for â€Å"recognition,† in a well established liberal autocracy citizens would retain their dignity and opportunities for improvement outside of the political realm, which naturally encompasses a broad range of possibilities in the business, educational, and service sectors. However, the degree of such fulfillment may not necessarily be as extensive as that was envisioned by Fukuyama in a country where liberty and equality are not ubiquitous social ideals, so liberal autocracy may succeed by allowing economic development and personal freedoms solely relative to individual progress without the need for full-blown liberalism due to variances in culture—in Guinea’s case, its Islamic background and persistent tribalism. In a liberal autocracy, there would be some input in governmental affairs such as infrastructure or education, but none that would threaten the stability of the regime itself such as powers of impeachment by representatives of the people or the ability for state challengers to gain support and make demand hence opposition would still be subdued. But it certainly is possible, especially with the elusiveness of definitive and successful democratic political institutions in the case of Guinea. Liberal autocracy seems a viable and even probable alternative for it essentially embodies a â€Å"win-win† situation as a compromise between the interests of the people and of the type of government that is most able to gain political clout in their nation. As Daniel Brumberg contends: It is now clear, both within and far beyond the Middle East, that liberalized autocracy has proven far more durable than once imagined The trademark mixture of guided pluralism, controlled elections, and selective repression†¦is not just a â€Å"survival strategy† adopted by authoritarian regimes, but rather a type of political system whose institutions, rules, and logic defy any linear model of democratization. (Brumberg 2002; 56). But there is still the looming question of how liberal autocracy would not need to eventually develop into liberal democracy. The answer lies in the fact that liberal democracy itself was a tremendously lengthy process that hadn’t fully asserted itself until the latter half of the twentieth-century. So how is liberal autocracy expected to develop overnight into what it is capable of being decades from now?